W12: Postcolonial Computing

by averydame
  1. Since Dourish introduced design and OLPC into the conversation, I think it might be interested to consider Negroponte’s most recent experiment, “What happens if you give a thousand Motorola Zoom tablet PCs to Ethiopian kids who have never even seen a printed word?” While the coverage has some of the usual problematic elements, the “hacking” and “language” elements present interesting opportunities to expand upon Dourish’s article.
  2. Dourish frequently uses translation as a way to think through the issues he raises. Translation, he argues “has  a  dual meaning: the linguistic sense captures the transformation between different
    languages—culturally  situated  representational  schemes;  the  geometric sense refers to the movement of a figure from place to place” (7). His interest is in linguistic barriers around spoken language, but I wonder if it isn’t also worth adding in programming languages to the mix. How can they also function to promote imperialist goals?
  3. How are some of the functions Anderson discusses in Ch. 10 (particularly, the use of the museum) reproduced in digital spaces? What is the connection and crossover between the digital and the physical?

Fluency – To have a familiarity which enables one to speak and move easily. Relies on interior knowledge without needing support from others. Contributes to one’s ability to translate between and across language barriers. Has the character of flowing.

(Featured Image: The Imperialist Competitive Algorithm, which is geared toward achieving optimization in systems.)

Colonialism, Empire, and Networks

by cassygriff

1. I am interested in interrogating the reason behind Dourish’s characterization of specfically post-colonial computing. While I do not wish to suggest that each and every nation-state that has been colonized must remain so to some extent, I do wonder about the ways in which post-colonial computing may additionally function as a neo-colonial pursuit. Borrowing from Fanon, I’d like to consider how even a program that gives laptops to children simultaneously functions to instill particular dependencies and create a potential labor pool. While it does seem that the practice of jugaad functions to shift the power dynamics Fanon cites, I am still not entirely comfortable with the idea of a post- moment.

2.As I’ve just finished reading Wellman and Rainie’s Networked, I’m wondering about the ways in which sovereignty, empire, and networked individualism connect. What is the relationship between networks and empire? Do networks rather than group dynamics allow for the growth of empire or is it perhaps the other way around?

3. Finally, how do mobile media, ubiquitous computing, and asynchronicity change how we read the shift from nations/imperialism to empire? While it seems to make perfect sense that international connectivity and transnational flows (or carvings out) of capital, information, and bodies would necessitate empire (think Google as empire), but is this shift too easy and too clear? That is, is it possible that nationalism and imperialism are not nearly as dead as we think but we simply can’t see it?

Definitions
Body: A node in the network
Place: The specification of space, achieved via one’s place in a networked community

Linguistics and Borders

by alyssaneuner

Throughout the readings there were two points that I want to discuss; this idea of language as one, and dichotomies of us vs. them mentality. In Post Colonial Computing I liked this idea of breaking the dichotomy of us vs. them. The idea that not only a select few should be allowed access to technology or technological innovations is not something that most people think about. It’s also this idea of perspective – people given access to technology by companies, but then also being the labor to create it. I wonder about the investment in technology in so-called under developed countries. Is it this idea of nation building and Empire? If we think about what Anderson is saying in “Imagined Communities” a lot of established nations take influence from the West and develop from there. But, what about pushing influence on these countries via technology? I’m trying to think of more connections between the readings other than this idea of Empire and nations, nationality, or “imagined communities.” I feel as though this is something that is going to take some discussing for me to break down some concepts and ideas.

Postcolonial and empire

by felixburgos
1. I’m still trying to “digest” Mezzadra and Neilson’s proposal of the theory of multiplication of labor. I would dare to say that it is not only a reevaluation of Marxist theory (it there’s such a think like that) but also a new direction towards the study of identity, migration, and transnationalism. Anyways, a common trend in the readings for this week is he idea of an “imagined empire” and the divisions that it creates in the world. For economists and social scientists teminologies such as the “global north and south” “center and periphery” are ways to divide the world into hierarchies. But Mezzadra and Neilson present an image of the international division of labor that would lead to a redefinition of these geographies. Does this mean that “globalization” is the main construct of the “imagined empire”? Although the authors just mention globalization a couple of times, but I feel that their proposal is related to a world that has inevitably fallen into that process.

2. From my own perspective, it was really comforting reading Phillips et al.’s article on postcolonial computing. For me, as an international student in the U.S., it is very important to see that there is an academic interest in disrupting the notion of ‘othering’ (us / them – western world / the rest – civilization / savagery) etc. For example, when we get discuss in our class about mobile technologies, computer access, embodiment, etc. I always try to make sense of that using the “translation” that Phillips et al. mention in the article. Nonetheless, there is something that still bothers me about the authors’ perspective (and it is connected to my first question): what is the way in which postcolonial computing represents a real challenge to the processes of globalization?

3. Along the same lines, there was a section in Hardt and Negri’s chapter on the Biopolitical production that makes me think that postcolonial theories are well intentioned, but might walk through a difficult path: “The imperial machine lives by producing a context of equilibria and/or reducing complexities, pretending to put forward project of universal citizenship and toward a project of universal citizenship […] (t)he imperial machine, far from eliminating master narratives, actually produces and reproduces them […] in order to validate and celebrate its own power” (p. 34). Of course, the objective of postcolonial theories is to radically change the master narrative (and its by-products), but perhaps the elements of the discourse (and the origin of such postcolonial perspective) might be still intertwined with the discourses of the empire. Am I quite off? Perhaps…

Book Review- Networked: The New Social Operating System

by cassygriff

Rainie, Lee and Barry Wellman. Networked: The New Social Operating System. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2012.

It is often too easy to glance around the daily trappings of our lives and begin to feel simultaneously over and underwhelmed by the presence of various forms of technology and the supposed absence of other people’s bodies. Among scholars of digital and virtual spaces, it has been somewhat trendy and perhaps even comforting to assert what amounts to a doomsday analysis of the future of human relationships in the so-called digital age. However, as Lee Rainie and Barry Wellman explain from the very beginning of Networked: The New Social Operating System, “this is not a book about the wonders of the internet and smartphones. Despite all the attention paid to new gadgets, technology does not determine human behavior; humans determine how technology is used” (ix). Immediately, therefore, the main question of this text becomes clear: How are people using technology to create social networks that are not necessarily bounded by time and space? Furthermore, how do social networks provide members/users with other (and occasionally better) opportunities for contact, communication, and relationship-building than traditional, spatially and temporally restricted groups?

Wellman and Rainie open the book with an poignant vignette that proves infinitely minable as they unfold their argument for the existence of a “triple revolution” of social networks, the internet, and mobile technologies. Detailing one couple’s tragic series of medical incidents and the ways in which social networks facilitated by the internet and mobile technologies helped them survive and recover, the authors make clear that our modern social networks are not your father’s bowling club. Rather, these networks are loosely bound connections between various individuals that provide information, support, and even goods despite the fact that the individuals do not claim membership in a group nor are they all aware and reliant upon one another in precisely similar ways. Rainie and Wellman term this new sociality “Networked Individualism,” a designation that signals the focus on the individual or the ego and their relationships to multiple other individuals.

True to their early assertions, the authors’ focus remains on the social network aspects of this triple revolution, as they devote significantly less time to examining the historical roles of the internet and mobile media in the facilitation of networks. However in this case, less actually is more, as a great number of scholars have already done the work detailing the gestation, birth, and early years of these technological revolutions. Wellman and Rainie’s discussion of the internet and mobile revolution is succinct and never strays from the point, that these revolutions are but tools for facilitation a new sociality based on networks rather than groups. It is not that the technology forces us to change our model human interaction, but rather that these technologies provide the opportunity to do so. The authors thus successfully and diplomatically brush past Turkle’s assertion that technological innovation is destroying interpersonal relationships and instead argue rather convincingly that technology does what we ask it to do, and we have asked it to change the mode, scope, and intensity of our social interactions.

While I do not wish to downplay the relevance of the internet and mobile media aspects of the triple revolution, I argue that the usefulness of Networked lies primarily in its ability to translate the basic tenets of social network analysis (SNA) to wider interdisciplinary audience. Furthermore, the text also demonstrates the applicability of social network analysis to the changing configurations of relationships as technology continues to develop. This is especially true in the latter half of the book, in which the authors re-focus on networks and the various types of interactions either changed or made possible by technologically-mediated networks. Networked individualism remains at the fore throughout the five chapters comprising Part II, as relationships, family life, work, creation, and information sharing are each put under the microscope in order to better explain that the navigation of these aspects of life are differently and potentially better understood if we recognize the primacy of networks of individuals and their relationships. In each of these chapters, the authors actively demonstrate the ways in which social network analysis can and should be integrated into discussion of mobile media and the internet. SNA’s presence in these spaces effectively reintegrates human experience into analysis, thus ensuring that the apocalyptic predictions can be pushed aside to deal with the ways people actually use technology.

In very general terms, Networked presents possibilities rather than predictions, and does so in a manner that is surprisingly accessible for a text of its depth and breadth. However, scholars whose focus necessitates analysis of race, class, sexuality, and (less so) gender will be disappointed in the lack of engagement with categories of identity and difference beyond North American, heteronormative family structures and relationships. This lack of specificity is particularly glaring in the paucity of discussion around structural inequalities, an aspect that would surely impact access to technologies and the social networks that can be created via these technologies. Still, the lack of some specifics does not necessarily preclude this book from providing a useful set of theoretical and methodological tools that may be easily translatable to those doing ethnographic work and content analysis focusing on specific networked communities.

Also, an aside to Alyssa, Justin, and Avery: Based on what I know about your projects, this would probably be an incredibly useful introduction to social network analysis and how it looks when it’s deployed in digital spaces.

Teletechnologies, Place, and Community

by melissarogers

Wilken, Rowan. Teletechnologies, Place, and Community. New York: Routledge, 2011.

            Rowan Wilken’s 2011 Teletechnologies, Place, and Community explores the contradictory and shifting ways in which notions of place and community get taken up in discourses about teletechnologies, or “technologies of distance” (1). In this comprehensive and interdisciplinary media historiography, Wilken contests the argument that computer-mediated communication (CMC) transcends, or even signals the death of, space, place, and geography. At the same time, he challenges corollary statements that CMC enables disembodied online interactions in which identity is infinitely malleable, statements which thereby figure “virtual community” as either inherently transgressive and utopian or somehow weaker and less meaningful than face-to-face interactions. Through extensive discursive and textual analysis of writings on teletechnologies, Wilken not only provides useful evidence against the common position that online activities are separate from the “real” world, but also offers more productive ways to think through the relationships between teletechnologies, place, and community.

The first three chapters of the book lay the groundwork for Wilken’s later engagement with the uptake of computing technologies in architecture. The first chapter, “Techno-Sociality: Computer-Mediated Communication and Virtual Community”, examines the origins of the terms “cyberspace” and “virtual community” in the mid-eighties and early nineties as ways of describing online social interactions. He argues that whereas at first the use of the metaphor of community to describe what happens in what we know as cyberspace was implicitly accepted, in research on CMC since then this metaphor has come to be seen as somewhat accurate yet also problematic (15). Wilken then lays out key themes in debates over the use of “virtual community”: presence, geographical liberation, dis/embodiment, and identity. These themes are interrelated, as debates around telepresence (“the effect of being in a particular place while actually being somewhere quite different” [19, emphasis in original]) led to the argument that the primarily text-based medium of cyberspace could transcend geography and therefore rise above the limitations of embodied, place-based community formation. Wilken concludes the chapter by beginning to consider what might be distinctive about “virtual community”, arguing that much of the historical “baggage” (25) that accompanies the term “community” does not disappear in the attempt to use it in a computer-mediated context. This suggests that we “need to reformulate the very concept of ‘community’ in non-restrictive terms” (27). It is to this task that he turns in his next chapter, having offered a genealogy that usefully contextualizes some of the reasons why online interactions are commonly conceived as immaterial, placeless, and disembodied.

In his second chapter, “The Problem of Community,” Wilken historicizes the concept of community and then outlines its appearance in the theoretical frameworks of early twentieth century German sociologists Ferdinand Tönnies and Herman Schmalenbach, mid-twentieth century American sociologists George Hillery Jr. and William Goode, and late twentieth century poststructuralist philosophers Jean-Luc Nancy and Jacques Derrida. Approaching community in such a way enables Wilken to consider the usefulness of these scholars’ ideas for thinking about community’s translation to a virtual context. He establishes what he calls the problem of community, the cyclical disenchantment with and return to community amidst rapidly changing social, economic, and technological conditions throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: “How to formulate a model of community that accommodates the ‘other’? How to think afresh a model of in-common community that welcomes the ‘other’ which threatens its very commonality?” (32). From this problem he moves to a discussion of Tönnies’ much-debated terms, the communal Gemeinschaft and the more instrumental Gesellschaft, and Schmalenbach’s concept of the affective Bund, which can mediate between the two. For Wilken, these terms have the potential to make sense of the kinds of interactions occurring in CMC, yet they are ultimately undermined by their close resemblance to Anglo-American and European conceptualizations of community as a communion that subsumes difference, as well as by their appropriation by the Nazis (39). By contrast, Hillery and Goode offer an understanding of community that is “constituted by social interaction and commonality (as opposed to geographically determined criteria)” (41), and that emphasizes the “plural and layered” processes by which communities are formed (44), contributions that, according to Wilken, can move scholars past the argument that virtual communities are divorced from “real” or other forms of community. Finally, Wilken offers an exploration of the idea of community in the work of Nancy and Derrida, two poststructuralist thinkers who radically reconfigure this contentious concept by attempting to work toward a “politics of difference” (55), the former by imagining community as a kind of “being-with” and the latter by focusing on the promise or potential of gift-giving. It is their desire to “think the risk of the limit of community—or to think the risk that takes place through exposure of and at the limit of community” that holds the most promise for Wilken’s project (60), as it theoretically avoids the pitfalls of the somewhat static understanding of community offered by thinkers over the previous two centuries.

Wilken’s selective genealogy for the immense and longstanding “problem of community” is worth repeating in such detail here because it proves immensely useful for scholars who seek to make sense of community in the digital age. Indeed, Wilken shows that contrary to claims that increased connection has made community engagement more superficial or a somehow less central preoccupation, the attempt to shift community into a digital context has only highlighted the necessity of revisiting and reconceiving historical debates around community’s potentials and risks. Furthermore, his attention not only to the abovementioned thinkers but also to their critics and advocates offers proliferative avenues of future investigation and an extensive bibliography of resources on these debates. This critical engagement with multiple disciplinary perspectives and points of conflict is sustained throughout the book and, while occasionally requiring the reader to sift through paragraphs of quotes and in-text citations, makes for a wide-ranging survey that does not sacrifice depth for breadth.

Wilken’s third chapter, “Haunting Affects: Place in Virtual Discourse”, deals with the definitional imprecision of place in its general use and, more specifically, with its spectral presence as metaphor in discourses on CMC. He writes that place is usually associated with a specific and bounded locality, yet it has a pervasive influence on our everyday lives, functioning as the backdrop or even the material for experience (62). He also notes the need to dissociate place from community if community’s exclusionary tendencies are to be rethought (63). He then delves into the widespread perception of CMC as placeless while also able to connect far-flung places, arguing that place persists in our engagement with CMC through the use of place-based metaphors. These include navigation and transportation metaphors such as “surfing the web” or traveling the “information superhighway”, pioneer metaphors that figure the internet as a frontier or territory, and most importantly, architectural metaphors that shape graphical user interfaces as well as the naming of online social “spaces” like chat “rooms”. It is in this chapter that one of the main arguments of Teletechnologies, Place, and Community begins to be developed in depth. Following Derrida, who critiqued the use of spatial metaphor in philosophy, Wilken argues that the metaphors we choose are never neutral but fundamentally shape that which we are trying to describe: “the historical framing of the virtual as ‘unbounded’ and ‘dematerialised’ is a myth produced by the insistence on place as only metaphorical. Moreover, these metaphorical constructions are based on quite limited underlying conceptions of place which deny the full complexity of this concept” (79). In other words, conceptualizing space as empty or abstract rather than socially practiced, à la Lefebvre, leads to the privileging of space over place in discourses on CMC, as well as the assumption that cyberspace cannot be physical space and is not a part of “actual” or geographical space. By attending to spatial or architectural metaphor as the “suppressed term” in discourses on teletechnologies (79), Wilken is able to get to the heart of major debates on CMC, debates on presence, embodiment, and emplacement that have significant implications for how we understand virtual community.

In his next two chapters Wilken turns to the discipline of architecture in order to examine how it has taken up computing technologies and what influence it might have on place and community in discourses of the virtual. This turn to architecture is strategic and valuable in that architecture forms “an important but hitherto neglected chapter in the broader history of cyberculture” (115). “Machines of Tomorrow Past: Early Experiments in Architectural Computing” focuses on the early uptake of computing technologies by architects in the 1960s and 1970s, giving brief overviews of the work of Serge Chermayeff and Christopher Alexander, Yona Friedman, Nicholas Negroponte, and Peter Cook. Wilken argues that despite their somewhat different reactions to the place of technological developments in architecture, these thinkers thought of the computer primarily as a problem-solving technology, linking it to architecture’s humanist agenda to improve living conditions (99). He also notes that although place and community do not appear explicitly in these early architectural engagements with technology, systems theory and cybernetics were “key influences” on these thinkers (99). The latter half of the chapter is a case study of the work of experimental British architect Cedric Price, whose unrealized design for the Fun Palace, an “anti-building” whose interior spaces would integrate computing technology in order to create maximum engagement with artistic materials and ideas, represents for Wilken the liberating potential of combining teletechnologies, architectural principles, and concern for place-based community interaction. This case study is where the overall arguments of the book become most tangible and salient, as the plans for the Fun Palace attempted to create unimagined forms of sociality through explicit use of teletechnologies for individual and group learning as well as play. The Fun Palace design built in the potential of the virtual as a fundamentally social project. If anything can approximate John Rajchman’s vision for a “virtual house” full of connections, openness, and multiplicity, it is Price’s unbuilt Fun Palace.

“Fantasies of Transcendence and Transformative Imagination: Architectural Visions of Cyberspace” continues the line of thinking developed in the previous chapter, shifting the focus to the 1990s, when computer-aided design (CAD) dominated architecture, “overturning or dismantling many of its foundational elements—the semantic units that make up the very language of architecture”: architectural representation, building materials, scale and proportion, spatiality, time, and architectural fixity (118-119). Thus the concept of cyberspace necessitated a “critical reframing” of architecture (126), what Wilken terms “neuromantic architecture”, paying homage to the science fiction novel in which William Gibson coined the term cyberspace as well as highlighting the somewhat Romantic aspects of new architecture, namely an idea of nature informed by cybernetic theory and global flows of information as well as an emphasis on taking imagination to the limits of representation. Wilken concludes, however, that despite neuromantic architecture’s imaginative promise, it continues to consider space in the abstract and does not attend to “the full complexities of ‘social space’” à la Lefebvre (145). In order to attend to some of these nuances, Wilken turns in his next chapter, “Domesticating Technology, Mobilising Place”, to the home as a site where discourses of place, community, and teletechnologies come into contact with one another. After historicizing “home” within a nostalgic tradition that figures it as the birthplace of community, Wilken problematizes understandings of home that take the universality of its privacy and secure enclosure for granted. He then theorizes the spatial practices of the “domestication” of teletechnologies in the home, exploring discourses on how uses of teletechnologies have not only become integrated with home life but how they have also become naturalized. Home therefore becomes one of the places in which we understand and experience mediated networked mobility, forcing us to question our understandings of place as stable and bounded. Wilken argues that transformations in uses of teletechnologies in the home, as well as in the use of mobile technologies, force us to shift our conception of place as stable to an understanding of place as mobile: “mobilitas loci (the renegotiation of place via networked mobility, and the interrogation of ‘questions of place, facility, equipment and the idiosyncracies of the users’ that this renegotiation prompts)” (179). Mobilizing place, Wilken argues, dissolves the rigid dichotomy between virtual and actual that plagues debates on teletechnologies.

It is to this dichotomy that Wilken turns in his final chapter, “Rethinking Teletechnologies, Place, and Community”, in which he proposes an alternate model for making sense of the relationships between these key terms. His three-part proposal for this model includes dissolving the divide between the virtual and the actual along the lines of Derrida’s concept of “actuvirtuality”, developing an understanding of social difference that can move “community” away from its association with exclusion, and establishing a model of place that emphasizes its relationality and its embeddedness in connectivity. Such a model, drawing heavily on poststructuralist positions that figure subjectivity as plural as well as the work of social geographers such as Doreen Massey who posit place as open and heterogeneous, offers tools for navigating the theoretical impasses created by strict binary oppositions imposed on the uses of teletechnologies. This is one of the key contributions of Wilken’s book, as he establishes a point of departure for scholars who grapple with the problems and limitations of community but who are unwilling to give up its promise and potential, in virtual form or otherwise.

Teletechnologies, Place, and Community is a must-read for anyone struggling to make sense of how increasingly pervasive and mobile technologies of distance have affected our sense of place as well as our sense of connection to communities that matter. Wilken’s in-depth and extensive discursive and textual analysis spans many disciplinary and geographic locations, shifting smoothly between different time periods and contexts in order to mark historical and conceptual shifts in discourses on teletechnologies. By refusing to let architecture remain the suppressed term that haunts our thinking on virtual space and place, Wilken opens avenues of exploration that otherwise remained closed due to an inability to think place and community outside of concrete boundaries, stability, and unity. His surprisingly readable and relatively jargon-free interpretations of poststructuralist thinking, furthermore, refute charges that such philosophers are apolitical or irrelevant to social concerns. This book represents a landmark study in trajectories of research on cyberspace and virtual community.

Weekly Post 12

by alexcarson

1: This might be a bit tangential, but in the preface Hardt and Negri mention the Soviet “barriers” to the flow of capital. While that may have been true in Russia for a time, I have to dispute the degree to which the Soviet Union really kept the capitalist system “out” of its sphere of influence. The capitalist system permeated the Soviet system in various ways, which somewhat lends itself to the assertion made by Empire that I question in my second question.

2: On Hardt and Negri, I think the notion that the current system is a better platform to challenge repressive systems is a questionable one. While Hardt and Negri do use global flows of capital as the backdrop for the current system, nationalism has not been exclusive to the left as a means of political expression. Increasingly, right-wing and other forms of nationalism – especially as it relates to military power projection and civil rights – has utilized the defense of the nation-state as a means by which to repress more people further away from the nation. Despite their claims otherwise, localism has been effective, if not for the left, than for the right.

3: While the Dourish article is intentionally very specific, I wonder if it might provide a broader framework for changing the way people view Africa. I’ve read that African countries have to release brochures to dispel popular conceptions in America, namely that Africa is a continent of nothing but violent warlords and civil wars, by showing off that these nations have middle and working class families just like the United States does. Could that be a viable way, in addition to the post-colonial efforts being currently espoused by the program, to encourage a different outlook on Africa?

Definitions:

Empire: By Hardt and Negri, Empire seems to be a term for the prevailing capitalist economic system which governs national and transitional affairs, perhaps comparably to the classical “neoliberalism” moniker.

Post-colonial: An understanding of the world outside of the auspices of the traditional imperial/colonial system that dominated the world between the Middle Ages and the end of World War II.

Spatial Stories and Simulacra

by melissarogers

Definitions:

Space: that which we create in and around us by virtue of our embodied social practices or relationships with other bodies (including objects).

Place: those specific spaces or locations to which we are affectively attached, bound, or oriented by virtue of meaningful relationships with other bodies (including objects), through embodied practices of power (biopolitics), and through practices of representation, visualization, and mapping; those spaces or locations that gain meaning through technologies of surveillance.

Identity: the enduring bodily and psychic perception and conception of self across spacetime(s), including the extension of self through cultural tools, technologies, and virtualities; the disciplining of self through technologies of surveillance; and the imagination or narrativization of self in relation to virtual and actual others or communities.

Questions:

1. This may seem tangential, but this week (like most weeks) I’m particularly drawn to the imaginary or imaginings of spaces and places. Perhaps this is because two of my favorite storytellers, Borges and Calvino, figure as a point of departure in many of our recent readings on virtuality, actuality, and reality. I’m fascinated by de Certeau’s argument that stories are spatial practices that perform the labor of transforming space and place (118), allowing us to conceptually “travel” between them. De Certeau leaves room for the work that desire does in constructing space and place; thus the virtual or potential can never be separate from the ways we live space because our desires, fulfilled or even barely imagined, will always form an integral part of our experience. I want to know how forms of critical desire (and maybe its inverse, refusal) might be mobilized in articulating spatial politics? This seems intimately bound to the utopian and dystopian concerns that weave throughout our course and, I would argue, all of our research projects.

2. Memory and metaphor are also key here as they shape the futures and the pasts we can imagine, as well as how we communicate or share our lived experiences of space, place, and identity. As de Certeau points out, metaphor or “metaphorai” is bound up with travel, one of the main ways we are able to think about our bodily experiences and practices of shifting spacetimes. I am especially attuned to this because my book review for today, Rowan Wilken’s Teletechnologies, Place, and Community, dealt explicitly with the use of images like “cyberspace” and “virtual community” to describe online presence and social interaction. What is at stake when the metaphors we use to describe things we otherwise might not have names for, like the slippery concept of “community”, rely on a subsumed or suppressed notion of space and place? What do we risk when we do not adequately attend to space and place but instead rely on it in primarily abstract or linguistic terms (thinking Lefebvre’s critique here)? To quote Martha Nell Smith, “mind your metaphors,” or to paraphrase Donna Haraway, it matters what stories we use to tell other stories with.

3. Imaginaries and socio-spatial fantasies also form part of the basis of Baudrillard’s argument. He argues that Disneyland “is a deterrence machine set up in order to rejuvenate the fiction of the real in the opposite camp. Whence the debility of this imaginary, its infantile degeneration. This world wants to be childish in order to make us believe that the adults are elsewhere, in the ‘real’ world, and to conceal the fact that true childishness is everywhere–that it is that of the adults themselves who come here to act the child in order to foster illusions as to their real childishness.” How might we revitalize a political imagination that does not just create a negative illusion of ourselves, or that is not merely a lie we tell ourselves? Can that which is imaginary be dissociated from the childish or fantastical? The world of the child or of fantasy is not “real,” yet it is clear that the imagined makes reality.

Week 11

by cassygriff

Unfortunately, I’m operating through a haze of nausea, but I’m going to take a whack at some of what I thought were connections between the readings and my own work. Apologies for lateness and/or a lack of clarity.

  1. How do bodies function as or in representational spaces? It’s more clear to me they function in representational spaces, but I’m really intrigued as to whether or not bodies can be representational spaces. Specifically in terms of my work with weight-loss participants, it would appear that their bodies function as stand-ins for something.
  2. Alternately, how do weight-loss bodies engage in what Baudrillard terms “dissimulation,” or the “feign[ing] not to have what one has,” in this case, a fat body?
  3. Finally, I’d like to connect Arlene Davila’s recent book and talk to Sassen’s “Why Cities Matter.” Davila argues that the global flows of capital can be seen to center specifically in malls in Latin America, Puerto Rico in particular. As these malls develop, they essentially become global mini-cities in which capital and ideas about cultural authenticity become realized. So then, what is role of authenticity in the creation of global cities and how does its construction reflect flows of capital, ideas, and bodies?

White People Mourning Romney

by jessicawalker

I am really captivated by the idea of death in Baudrillard’s piece. The real does not produce itself because never had an origin. Instead the real is an idea that circles around certain models that operationalalize difference or indicate difference through the substitution of meanings. Therefore, the real will always die and an have an anticipated resurrection. Baudrillard notes however that, “Power can stage its own murder to rediscover a glimmer of existence and legitimacy.” I wonder if this has any bearing on the recent Presidential election and the language of mourning around Romney supporters. (http://whitepeoplemourningromney.tumblr.com/page/6)

I think that De Certeau’s intervention into understanding the city away from its obvious, architectural, and visible components bears onto Sassen’s piece about why cities matter. In noting both the digital exchange of financial information, as well as the seemingly nonsensical commodities exchanges, Sassen notes that although there is a visual vocabulary of power in the cities this assumedly homogenizing power is still imbued with specific differentiation . Just in the way that walking the city makes and renders a certain non-representational knowledge and relationship with spaces can we also say that the logic of “meaning of information” that Sassen points to can be implicated in a similar process of spatialization in the city?

Does the Sassen challenge the Foucauldian formations of power used by De Certeau? Does she believe in the centralized, dispersed, and everyday manifestations of power as domination? Going between her discussion of logics and De Certeau’s discussion of power in the everyday was interesting and sometimes confusing because I was unsure how each author was approaching both how power manifest in spaces as well as what power does to spaces?

Space: A infinite processes whereby interconnecting systems of global, social, cultural and embodied knowledges inform the value of place. Space is a right.

Place: Fixed in the material and moving freely. Facilitated by place marking objects like maps.

Identity: The processes of having the ability to sense your presence in space—to know you are alive. How you make sense of places’ relationships to the idea of individualism.

Space and the City

by emilywarheit

How did the globalization process differ prior to the digital age? How might it change in the future? Will cities play the same role as proximity becomes less essential to doing the actual work of commerce?

De Certeau’s definitions of place and space differ somewhat from what we’ve seen thus far. How do these definitions relate to LeFebvre’s understanding of space and place? Is de Certeau’s definition (of space in particular) as useful when thinking of non-physical spaces, particularly since he uses physical words like direction and velocity to describe it?

In both the de Certeau’s “Walking in the City,” and Sassen’s “Why Cities Matter,” I was struck by the lack of attention to the fact that makes cities what they are: density and diversity of people. Do people, not just financial professionals but the proximity of people in general, factor in to the markets described in Why Cites Matter?  What is the connection between cities as places where large numbers of people actually live and work and cities as architectural spaces and commercial centers?

Space: a location that is used and moved through, and thus transformed. “Space is a practiced place” (de Certeau, 117)

Place: a distinct location, separated by relations to other places and configured by rules.

making the city

by justinsprague

1) According to Sassen, the inhabitants of a city can be equated with the space of a city, as business and global connectivity increasingly glocalizes these areas (50).  She also discusses the looming possibility of “public” space being taken over by commercial and global economic privatization.  What she doesn’t discuss are the implications this privatization of public space has on specific bodies.  She actually seems to gesture that the city is the place for disadvantaged people to gain access and power, but I don’t think that addresses the many forgotten and erased people that physically occupy these cities.

2) To put Baudrillard and Sassen in conversation, I’m interested in the ways that signs and symbols mark the city and enable them to be hubs of globalization while remaining specific physical places.  Culture acts as a way to localize and differentiate the global nature of the city.  In Korea, Songdo city is actually being created to be a global economic city.  It is literally being built in a flat place that has no inhabitants.  I wonder what this says about the impact that cultural symbols inherently mark the city?  How will people conceptualize this city that has no history and will it be a “successful” endeavor in the economic sense?

3) To continue with the example of Songdo, I wonder how de Certeau’s concept of the city walker will be reimagined when this city opens up like a Disneyland’s opening day?  There is essentially a ribbon cutting followed by business and living in this city.  If there is no evolution in the city, where pedestrian encounters with space are reactive and adjusting to larger state structures, how will the individual use of that city space be affected?

Baudrillard

by tatianabenjamin

Space: is imaginary. What we have come to understand as space is based on the stories we create around space. This adds tom understandings of space as contested. In order to lay claim to a space we must first create our story or use of that space.

I had a lot of questions regarding the Baudrillard text because I don’t think I have a good understanding of what he is saying. Is he arguing that everything that we have come to understand as “real” is only a part of our imaginary? It seems as if nothing can be considered “real” because all we have ever known is the representation of a particular object?

In terms of Baudrillard, how are we to understand myth making and the simulacra? What lines can we draw between myth and reality? Here I was thinking about ideas of nation and boundary. If what we know about a space is based on myth then how does this change our perception of nation crossing?

Other questions I had regarding the Baudrillard text are, Does simulacra have a referential? Does it represent itself and not anything that we have ever seen before?

W11 – Living Just Enough For the City

by averydame
  1. What I find most fascinating about this week is thinking through how the three texts connect. de Certeau and Sassen have some obvious connections, but Sassen and Baudrillard do not seem to obviously interface. If, as  de Certeau asserts, the panorama-city is already a simulacrum (93), would the process of urbanization Sassen discusses be considered the further perpetuation of a hyperreality?
  2. Baudrillard spends a chunk of the first chapter on how psychology produces subjects who act as simulacrums of individuals, not containers of truth. Drawing from de Certeau, could the city also produce subjects who act as simulacrums of a disciplined city “citizen”?
  3. We’ve talked a lot about understanding boundaries of space online. How are our previous discussions shifted by de Certeau’s argument that narratives are the boundary setters in space?

City and Citizenship (?)

by felixburgos

Something that concerns me about Sassen’s article is the observation she makes regarding the political character of the city. I completely agree that different political activities “become visible on the street” (p. 49). However, it is a fact that such the way politics is enacted in the city seems to be more difficult in the context of highly specialized (and corporate) cities. In other words, it seems that the space of the city (which is supposed to be public) is being challenged from “commercialization, theme-parking, and privatization” (p. 49). Therefore, political acts that are not sponsored by mainstream political and economical spheres could be excluded from the notions of political activism and social-spatial justice. If the resonance of the activities of political groups is stronger in the city, what happened with movements such as Occupy Wall Street? Although the movement was pretty strong last Fall and part of Winter, it seems that its power diminished because there was a broken link between the use of urban space and the politics of the new city. Is it possible, therefore, to recover the political character of the cities in the near future? and, for whom cities really matter?

It is impossible to read De Certeau’s “Walking in the City” with certain predisposition after reading Nigel Drift’s “Driving in the city.” I imagine that De Certeau writes in a time when augmented space was not as important as it is nowadays, and that is why Drift criticizes some of De Certeau’s reflections on the creation of urban space. However, reading this article and comparing it to Sassen’s makes me think about the concept of “citizenship.” I am not referring here to nation-state affiliation, but at the relationship between the individual and the space s/he creates when interacting with the city. If the current life of the city offers us highly specialized, and technologically complex spaces that emulate the global standardization of cities, then what is the meaning of this new type of citizenship? Is this concept related to consumerism? is it a way of interacting with others’ vision of space by means of mobile technologies? what is it?

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